Polarisation has become a defining and disruptive feature of Sudan’s political and social landscape. Rooted in decades of exclusionary governance and identity-based divides, and intensified by the war that began in April 2023, it now shapes daily life, undermines trust, and complicates prospects for peace.
Drawing on a perception survey carried out by IFIT’s Sudan Brain Trust and supported by Northeastern University’s Civic A.I. Lab, this report offers a glimpse at how polarisation has come to penetrate ordinary life in Sudan, while also highlighting some pathways out. The insights from the survey will now inform planned new phases of IFIT work in Sudan, including 1) focus group discussions with diverse communities in Sudan to validate and contextualise the initial findings and 2) the creation of a Sudan-specific depolarisation toolkit.
The DOI registration ID for this publication is: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17733286
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Pablo Javier Martínez Acevedo is an intern at the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT). He is based in the Bogotá office, where he supports IFIT’s work in Colombia.
Before joining IFIT, Pablo conducted university research on human rights and their relationship with artificial intelligence tools in a research group, and is currently working on criminal policy issues at the School of Criminal Research and Thought – POLYCRIMED at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia. He has also worked at the Special Jurisdiction for Peace on Case 10, participating in the cross-checking of reports and voluntary statements.
Pablo is a law student about to graduate from the National University of Colombia. His areas of interest include transitional justice, criminal policy, human rights, and the law of new technologies.
Working languages: English and Spanish.
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IFIT’s Founder and Executive Director Mark Freeman joined Prof. (Dr.) Jyoti M.Pathania, Founder and Editor of the Online Indian Journal of Peace and Conflict Resolution, in the latest episode of the podcast “Indian Conflict Resolution”.
They discussed the mismatch of the predominant model of conflict resolution to the conflict landscape of today, and reflected on the promise of IFIT’s pioneering fast-track negotiation model.
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Narratives about ethnicity have shaped Kenya’s political and social landscape since the colonial period, often incentivising violence and destabilising democracy. This 40-minute video focuses on the roots and consequences of the simplified narratives entrenching ethnic divisions in the country, particularly between the Luo and Kikuyu communities. It offers practical recommendations for transforming these narratives to foster depolarisation and democratic resilience.
The video brings into conversation four IFIT experts and partners with decades of experience working towards peace in Kenya, including within national institutions designed to address past harms, ongoing polarisation and barriers to cohesion: Josiah Musili, Director of the Kenyan Directorate of National Cohesion and Values; Tecla Wanjala, CEO of the Shalom Centre for Counselling and Development and member of IFIT’s Law and Peace Practice Group; Samuel Kobia, Chairman of the Kenyan National Cohesion and Integration Commission and member of IFIT’s International Advisory Council; and Sellah King’oro, Advocate of the High Court of Kenya and member of IFIT’s Inclusive Narratives Practice Group.
Dr. King’oro uses as a starting point our recent research publication, which she authored with Solon Simmons in collaboration with the Directorate of National Cohesion and Values. She outlines three ‘us versus them’ narratives shaping Luo–Kikuyu relations and analyses their implications for broader dynamics in Kenya. Noting that efforts to impose a unifying narrative have not been effective, she recommends a narrative peacebuilding approach based on understanding the historical events, collective traumas and structural issues underpinning these narratives, as well as tailored engagements that reshape the narratives from within in a way that facilitates peaceful engagement.
Mr. Musili adds that divisive narratives at the local and national levels in Kenya are based on ethnic stereotypes that can fuel direct and indirect conflict, particularly during election periods. Noting that government agencies, including the Directorate of National Cohesion and Values, have set up early warning systems to identify threats and prevent violence before it occurs, he further recommends a set of narrative peacebuilding strategies for reducing polarisation. In addition to ensuring community participation, these strategies include conducting narrative assessments to map and understand divisive narratives; building a critical mass of stakeholders with narrative transformation skills; and adopting government policies that explicitly address the grievances behind divisive narratives.
Dr. Wanjala describes the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission’s efforts to investigate historical injustices and rights abuses committed from independence in 1963 to the signing of the post-election violence peace agreement in 2008. These included gathering testimonies and organising hearings for affected communities, including both victims and perpetrators, to share their stories about what occurred. She notes that truth commissions would benefit from conducting narrative assessments and incorporating narrative peacebuilding into their work, while recommending community-based dialogues infused with narrative tools as a key way to elicit shared strategies for addressing injustices and promoting trauma healing.
Rev. Dr. Kobia reflects that narratives around ethnicity have been weaponised in Kenya. He describes the National Cohesion and Integration Commission’s efforts to address divisive narratives, including by monitoring social media and vernacular radio stations for inflammatory content; engaging with influencers and especially artists to promote responsible messaging; working with law enforcement to investigate and prosecute hate speech; and investing in civic and peace education. Noting that narrative polarisation can lead citizens to disengage from political discourse and experience disenfranchisement – in addition to being used to incentivise violence – he highlights the importance of young people, with the critical thinking they bring to issues, to transforming conflict into collaboration. He stresses that narrative transformation is not a side project, but rather central to cohesion, democracy and peace.
Dr Nafees Hamid is a cognitive scientist of political violence, social fragmentation, and cohesion at King’s College London. He conducts psychology, neuroscience, and anthropological research with jihadists, white nationalists, conspiracists, and armed group members, as well as civilians.
He was one of the lead researchers on the first-ever brain imaging studies of jihadist supporters. He is the Co-PI/Research & Policy Director of the FCDO-funded XCEPT research programme at King’s College London, which looks at the role of trauma and mental health in pathways to peace versus violence in fragile and conflict affected states. The research he has conducted and directed has covered the US, Western Europe, the Balkans, Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Morocco, South Sudan, and Colombia. He has advised many NGOs, inter-governmental organisations, and governments including on the national strategies for the rehabilitation of and reintegration of foreign fighters in Tunisia and Kosovo.
He has advised and briefed on CVE policies to many organisations including the US State and Defense Departments, the UK Foreign Commonwealth and Development office, UK Home Office, UN Office of Counter-Terrorism, the Global Coalition, and the French Prime Minister’s office.
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This discussion paper explores the relationship between collective trauma and narrative in post-conflict and divided societies. Drawing on emerging insights from psychology, peacebuilding and narrative practice, it argues that traumatic experiences are not only individually held but also collectively transmitted through group stories, cultural symbols and social memory.
While these narratives help communities make sense of harm, they may also entrench rigid identities, polarise intergroup relations, and perpetuate cycles of fear, blame and exclusion. With illustrative examples from Kenya and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the paper shows how narratives can feed cycles of violence, but also have the potential to increase resilience and empathy.
Building on the narrative peacebuilding approach developed by IFIT’s Inclusive Narratives Practice Group, the paper identifies multiple practical strategies that can strengthen the capacity of a society to live with and navigate collective trauma in ways that reduce polarisation and help break cycles of violence.
The DOI registration ID for this publication is: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17462827.
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The world is undergoing a profound transformation as the balance of power between non-state and state actors shifts visibly and dramatically in favour of the former. States—and societies—have become more fragmented, making the maintenance and restoration of stability harder and requiring more creativity than in the past.
Four specific trends stand out: 1) new communications technology is empowering non-state actors and weakening national cohesion; 2) the proliferation of weapons is weakening the state’s significant edge in using violence; 3) new ideologies are increasing the centrifugal forces acting on states; and 4) an increasingly multipolar power dynamic is weakening the international response.
Under these conditions, central governments in many fragile states are simply not robust enough to exercise authority over the militias, ethnic groups, criminal gangs, terrorists, warlords, and outside actors who increasingly compete for control of their territories no matter how much international aid the central governments receive, what election is held, or in what way negotiations are advanced.
The fact is that most fragile and conflict-affected states must first move from disorder to order, building institutions that can work at a minimum level before growing in capacity, reach, and ambition over time. The new default should be on piecemeal transitions that leverage pockets of cohesion and robust institutions in whatever form they already exist. This would yield flatter, more horizontal states that are deeply decentralised and with a mosaic of different governance approaches rather than a standard unitary model.
The DOI registration ID for this publication is: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17302771.
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Introducing the Symposium on the Constitution Hill Global Guidelines on Apex Court Appointments
In an era of growing threats to democracy worldwide, the independence of apex courts has emerged as one of the critical fault lines. Across regions—including in countries long considered stable democracies—we are witnessing a new, more insidious pattern of democratic decline. Increasingly, elected leaders seek to consolidate power not through military coups, but through more subtle forms of institutional co-optation and manipulation. A common early target in this process is the judiciary—and in particular, the apex courts that stand as the final guardians of constitutional rights and the rule of law.
Apex courts—a general term referring to the highest court or courts with authority over constitutional matters—increasingly struggle to assert their independence amidst growing tensions with executive powers that continue to erode their authority, in a phenomenon widely understood as “judicial capture”. One of the most effective tools for such capture is the manipulation of judicial appointment processes—enabling ruling elites to install loyalists, marginalise independent voices, and weaken the court’s ability to check power.
Structural Distinction of Apex Courts
While numerous national, regional, and international frameworks exist for the selection and appointment of judges more broadly, none have focused specifically on the distinctive role and character of apex courts.
Yet these courts are fundamentally different from all other branches of the judiciary for various reasons: (i) their rulings on constitutional matters are final and can only be overturned by the court itself in future cases or through constitutional amendment; (ii) apex court judges are often the most visible members of the judiciary, meaning that public perception of the entire judicial system is frequently shaped by their conduct and decisions; (iii) these courts routinely adjudicate politically and socially consequential disputes—including cases involving fundamental rights and the legitimacy of elections—which makes them especially vulnerable to political pressure; and (iv) unlike lower courts, apex courts decide cases collectively, either in plenary or panel format.
Moreover, apex courts play a unique role in shaping constitutional jurisprudence that influences not only the litigants before them, but also the legal profession, public institutions, political actors, and society at large. They also operate under intense public and media scrutiny and provide normative leadership across multiple audiences simultaneously.
Initiative on Apex Court Appointments
Against this backdrop, in 2021, the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT), in partnership with Constitutional Transitions and a High-Level Advisory Panel composed of distinguished judges and jurists from diverse legal systems, launched the Initiative on Apex Court Appointments: the first-ever global effort to articulate a set of guiding principles for the appointment of judges to apex courts.
These principles—which culminated in the Constitution Hill Global Guidelines on Apex Court Appointments (“The Guidelines”)—are intended to function as voluntary guidelines (soft law), offering countries a flexible framework that can be adapted to specific national contexts when designing or reforming processes for the selection of judges to apex and constitutional courts.
The Initiative originated in Southern Africa, grounded in early work by IFIT’s Zimbabwe Resource Group, and drew on a wide range of sources, including: (i) a detailed IFIT study of existing global and regional principles on judicial appointments and judicial independence; (ii) a comprehensive survey of national standards; and (iii) in-depth interviews conducted with the initiative’s High-Level Panel members and with additional judges and jurists globally.
This process culminated in a high-level legal summit at Constitution Hill in Johannesburg in May 2024, where the final version of the Guidelines was formally presented and discussed. Developed through inclusive and interdisciplinary engagement, the Guidelines provide a principled yet adaptable framework to safeguard the independence, impartiality, and integrity of apex courts. They lay out robust criteria for judicial appointments, promote transparent and participatory selection procedures, and set minimum standards for judicial tenure and service—all aimed at shielding apex courts from political capture and ensuring their role as a cornerstone of constitutional democracy.
Symposium on Constitution Hill Global Guidelines on Apex Court Appointments
This symposium brings together leading legal and judicial voices to explore the application and significance of the Guidelines in today’s increasingly fragile democratic environment.
In the first piece, Justice Catherine O’Regan (former judge of the South African Constitutional Court, inaugural Director of the Bonavero Institute of Human Rights, and member of IFIT’s Apex Courts High-Level Advisory Panel) reflects on the central—but often overlooked—importance of judicial appointment processes in upholding democratic resilience. She situates the Guidelines within the wider phenomenon of executive aggrandisement and democratic backsliding, where apex courts are frequently the first institutional targets. Drawing on examples from around the world, she illustrates the variability—and vulnerability—of existing appointment systems. She then outlines how the Guidelines respond to this gap by proposing clear criteria and procedures to ensure judicial independence, transparency, and integrity.
In the second piece, Professor Carlos Bernal (First Vice-President of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, former Justice of the Colombian Constitutional Court, and Professor of Law at the University of Dayton and La Sabana) offers a normative and transitional justice–oriented defence of the Guidelines. Using Mexico’s 2024 judicial reform as a case study, he explores how autocrats attempt to weaken courts through reforms to appointment systems. He highlights how the Guidelines set a universal baseline for protecting the structural and institutional role of apex courts. At the same time, he argues that legal safeguards alone are not enough—factual judicial independence also depends on judges’ character and the broader political culture. In contexts of transition, Bernal stresses, robust appointment standards are especially vital to ensure legitimacy and constitutional transformation.
In the final piece, Maître Mohamed Fadhel Mahfoudh (former President of the Tunisian Order of Lawyers, member of the Nobel Peace Prize–winning Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet, and member of IFIT’s Apex Courts High-Level Advisory Panel) presents a sobering case study of Tunisia’s repeated failure to establish a constitutional court. Despite constitutional mandates and reform efforts, flawed and politicised appointment procedures have kept the court from coming into existence—undermining constitutional oversight and democratic progress. Reflecting on his role in the Guidelines’ development, Mahfoudh underscores their potential to foster constructive debate and serve as a practical tool for countries seeking to overcome appointment gridlock. His essay demonstrates how even well-designed institutional frameworks can fail without credible, independent, and implementable appointment systems.
At a time when the quality of judicial appointments can determine whether democracy erodes or endures, the reflections in this symposium could not be more timely. The Guidelines are not a rigid blueprint, but rather an invitation to structured, informed debate. We hope that the ideas shared here contribute to strengthening apex courts—and, with them, the democratic systems they are meant to uphold.
Originally published in Verfassungsblog.
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The era of guaranteed international aid is rapidly fading. For many fragile and transition countries, this reality has exposed both the limitations of an aid-centric development model and the urgency of finding new, more resilient pathways to growth. This thought piece explores how countries can adjust to the new normal by mobilising underutilised resources and strengthening national ownership.
Focusing on three key pillars – domestic taxation strategies, diaspora and entrepreneurial investment, and alternative financing models – the paper highlights practical ways to unlock capital, foster innovation, and build more inclusive development systems. Drawing on examples from Africa, Asia, Latin America and beyond, it shows how strategic reform and alternative partnership models can move countries away from transactional donor relationships toward more sustainable and locally anchored transitions.
The DOI registration ID for this publication is: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17119180