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Those who work on transitions are often asked if they can point to one element that appears to be essential across societies for a successful shift away from internal armed conflict or repression. While a simplistic answer cannot do full justice to the diversity of history, place and moment, it is fair to ask about the necessary, if not sufficient, conditions that made a crucial difference over the dozens of national transitions since the early 1970s. 

In August 2014, the guest editors of this Alliance special feature invited 12 foundation leaders and an equal number of development and transition specialists to the New York office of the Ford Foundation to grapple with that question. (The full list of attendees is on p58.) The invitation was framed around our own emerging answer: that inclusive social, economic and political pacts are needed for there to be a truly stable and legitimate transition. In almost all stalled transitions we have reviewed, one or more dimensions of inclusion was missing. Usually one finds longstanding divisions in society, whether ethnic, religious or class-based, aggravated by continuing systemic practices of exclusion. Those fault lines, if not forcefully addressed, undermine the achievement of a widely accepted social covenant among all groups and prevent the formation of a cohesive national identity.

While there was general agreement at the meeting about the centrality of inclusive processes, a lively discussion ensued about the optimal roles philanthropy can and should play in strengthening such processes when a transition is under way. 

Opportunities in tough contexts

The conversation began with comments about key challenges in transitions – from power vacuums to weak institutions, ongoing violence and economic disparities. The theme of ‘starting conditions’ was considered central. Some states have deeply unfavourable conditions at the onset of a transition. Thus voting freely – even in some cases repeatedly – fails to bridge divides without a new, inclusive dynamic. ‘In times of post-war transition it is critically important to build a platform for inclusive national dialogue from different sectors of society. Yet it is these moments when it is hardest to achieve due to lack of trust,’ notedGeorge Khalaf of the Synergos Institute.

It was pointed out, nevertheless, that it is precisely in periods of transition that fragile and conflict-affected states have the opportunity to transform their social and political dynamics and pursue a new national path. Progress may be slower and harder in places with poor starting conditions, but there are inclusive nation-building steps that can be taken even in the most unforgiving of environments. ‘Dialogue matters. Key sectors and individuals must find ways to reach out and work together across political and ideological divides and establish a new vision, sometimes away from the public eye,’ observed UNDP director Jordan RyanCivic groups, protest movements, political parties and others also have to shift – from a protest to a governance mode, and often very quickly. Mandela’s leadership in South Africa was a classic example of this shift, as was Lech Walesa’s in Poland.’ The kinds of relationships private philanthropy builds with grantees over time make it easier to have these difficult conversations.

Though transition support for improved governance can be valuable, many commented that private funders can make more impact (and are uniquely suited to) supporting the development and protection of a vibrant civil society that can shape and inform political processes, and ‘help change discourses and narratives’. But civil society itself may be deeply fractured. As Seth Kaplan observed: ‘Often the international focus is on the state-society relationship. But in fragile states a much stronger focus is needed on the society–society relationships that have so much influence on how countries evolve. Forging a social covenant early in the process, joining together major social groups, is crucial to ensuring that an inclusive and legitimate political process will take root and become widely accepted. In a transition, populations are more likely to forgive delays and ineffectiveness if they feel that there is a genuine effort at equity and fairness. 

Others emphasized the unique opportunity in a transition to understand and constructively engage in the local politics of change – to engage in the reform opportunities that enhance the interplay of the forces that move a society forward. This includes not only civil society, but also special state-sponsored bodies set up for transitional justice, constitutional drafting, and similar nation-building purposes.

Learning and measuring

A recurrent theme of the roundtable was caution over philanthropy’s current embrace of metrics and measurement. Stephen Grand, a transition specialist and Fellow at Brookings Institution, noted: ‘The message that I hear [in this conversation] is that some of the most important societal goods cannot be measured  which is in part the reason for the market failure that private philanthropy is needed to correct  and foundations need to get back to supporting such traditional knowledge-creating institutions within society as schools, libraries, the media and culture.

Transitions are by definition times when the potential for impact is high. But the field currently lacks the right indicators to measure the things that matter most during these moments – security, empowerment, engagement and inclusion. That can lead to counterproductive ‘bean counting’ based on short time horizons, which in turn can lead to unwarranted conclusions of failure. As one participant commented: ‘We need a metric on how to assess and support processes – not just results.

Likewise it was noted that effective learning and measuring depend on something prior: a serious effort to understand the make-up of the state and the society, as well as the dynamics of the particular transition. Independent Diplomat director Carne Ross observed that the gap between outsider and insider knowledge is often profound – yet surmountable. Donors, who often support but do not implement programmes on the ground, could make more active use of their international and local grantee networks to obtain regular expert briefings to help them understand emerging risks and opportunities.

How do you fund?

A lot of emphasis was placed on the need for relationship-oriented philanthropy in transition environments – especially having in mind the goal of inclusiveness, described by one participant as ‘the most important building block for strengthening resilience. Key actors in fragile and conflict-affected states often need to build up the skill-set to talk and debate in a civilized way; to learn to step out of traditional, often patriarchal power relationships; and to build coalitions. Funders can encourage all of this by respectfully requiring NGOs and social leaders they support to work together. 

To be effective, funders may start building dialogue and cross-group relationships even before the conflict ends or a transition begins. Key things to support may include projects focused on: power sharing; the building of common identity and narratives; knowledge-producing and relationship-building institutions; and leadership development. Philanthropy can generally do more to go beyond its comfort zones – to pursue what one termed ‘radical inclusion’, meaning the creation of meeting spaces across divided ethnic, racial, gender, and class groups. A donor commented, ‘You have to provide support that helps persuade the civic actors you know to temper themselves so that they can bridge across differences.’ This may include the very youth groups whose protests provided the impetus for change, but who now may need the skills of political coalition-building.

Who do you fund?

One participant commented that sometimes it seems like every donor is circling around the same few individuals in a transition – often those with political savvy and connections in the international donor community. The result is missed opportunities to strengthen emerging leadership in the cultural field, community leaders, young scholars, or historians who can help interpret the current moment in light of a country’s past. 

Other participants mentioned that philanthropists should build on the new energy in corporate responsibility, business leadership and social entrepreneurship. In particular, opportunities to build local philanthropic capacity are often overlooked in transitions. For example, investment banks have great potential influence on the way newly created wealth is invested socially in transitions. Philanthropy advisory services within financial organizations, CSR consultants and business schools are places where social change discussions are happening – yet foundations rarely engage them. Ironically, while transitions should be times when non-profit entities can flourish, the opposite is increasingly the case today. Social enterprises and entrepreneurship incubators may have more freedom of action to build capacity for change in difficult environments than NGOs.

Universities were also cited as potential partners. As one participant stated, ‘they produce the citizens of tomorrow’ – and are often institutions ripe for the introduction of more experiential and community-focused learning methods that can have an impact on thousands of students and citizen leaders. At the same time, scholars and professors can be uniquely at risk during the periods leading up to a transition or in unstable periods immediately afterwards. Scholar rescue programmes for Latin America in the 1980s made a huge difference when the time came to rebuild post-military governance there. Faculty members who had been invited to teach and continue their scholarship in northern universities returned to become parliamentarians, party leaders, and even presidents of new democratic governments.

Regarding the Arab uprisings in particular, it was noted that one tragedy has been the way in which young voices and aspirations have been sidelined. In many places that are in turmoil, the generational shift has produced smart, globally connected and impatient young cohorts. They are demanding a political stake and economic opportunity, but frequently lack access to the new professional opportunities that transitions can produce, resulting in marginalization or new resentment. It was emphasized that this could be a crucial area for more focused and creative programming. 

Understandably, not all donors present were comfortable with the idea of working with governments. But it was noted that state bodies are multi-layered, and ‘even within the worst bureaucracy, one can find pockets of excellence. Funders should stay open to working with decentralized as well as centralized actors; formal as well as informal ones.

When do you leave?

While it is straightforward to tell the leaders of opposing camps that inclusion and dialogue are often the best way forward, convincing a highly polarized or sectarian-based citizenry that they will be better off abandoning old loyalties is a major challenge. It is a particularly thorny problem in fragile states, including many in the Arab region, and can stall transitions for years or decades, as in Lebanon. ‘The forces that allowed survival during the war (confessional identities) were the very forces that stood in the way of inclusive post-war dialogue,’ George Khalaf commented. ‘In other words, what enabled survival during the war, disabledany post-war harmony and reconstruction.  We were asking people to let go of allegiances (Sunni, Shiite, Maronite, or Druze) that helped them during times of need and to reach for an elusive overarching national identity.’’

These are precisely the problem areas around inclusion where transition specialists and philanthropists could mine their experiences for examples of success, distilling some of the positive actions that in the past have encouraged the growth, over time, of cohesive national polities. Such examples will underscore just how worthwhile it can be to stay engaged and help work through the practices of exclusion that can otherwise hold a society back. As Jonathan Fanton, former president of the MacArthur Foundation, remarked: ‘While our conversation focused on countries in the early stages of transition, I believe philanthropy should stay with countries like Nigeria where the transition is incomplete. Another conversation might include Russia where I believe it is important for foundations to remain involved even though the current situation is troubling.

Concluding thoughts

One thing that almost all roundtable participants agreed upon was the invaluable gift of independence that private philanthropy enjoys, yet may not be using to full effect. As Penelope Lewis of the World Bank remarked: ‘Risk aversion among foundations – especially younger, newer philanthropies – is growing. Why is this and how can we encourage foundations to use the unique advantages they possess which sets them apart from other funders? Countries in transition need precisely what foundations can offer. And it is in countries in transition that philanthropy has the potential to make a significant impact.

While the range of forward-looking suggestions made by participants is too long to include here, Robert Templer offered a useful encapsulation of some of the key ideas that surfaced about better ways for philanthropy to support transitions:

Find people who have had no contact with outside funders. Give smaller test grants and see what people do with them. Fund people who are outside the NGO world to come up with great ideas. Fund universities to become repositories of ideas. Scale back on log frames and risk analyses and reference letters and get people to apply on the basis of their vision expressed how they know how to express it. Think politically in the way locals see politics.

 Originally published in Alliance Magazine.

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The war in Syria is now in its fourth year. It has cost over 200,000 lives, put 12 million people in need of humanitarian assistance inside the country (USAID) and displaced 10 million, more than 3 million of whom have fled abroad as refugees. All of this has earned Syria a number of unappealing superlatives: ‘the biggest humanitarian emergency of our era’ (UNHCR); the creator of the ‘worst refugee crisis since the second world war’ (The Economist); and the world’s ‘worst crisis for children’ (UN). With a few notable exceptions, however, western philanthropists have not engaged in Syria. 

The reasons given are many. Because few donors were involved in the country before the conflict began, the country’s vibrant civil society is largely unknown and therefore funders lack knowledge or confidence about potential grantees and ways of operating there. Apart from counterterrorism concerns to do with westerners’ joining Islamist factions (such as the Islamic State (IS) in Syria), the civil war so far has few obvious consequences for Europe or North America, where the largest social justice philanthropies are based. Security is a huge problem within Syria, and even more so for those linked to foreign entities. And international sanctions complicate even the most basic of bank transfers or importation of goods.

Yet, similar types of challenge have been tackled by international philanthropy time and again in previous conflicts – with significant funding being provided to courageous, non-violent civic groups working under extremely dangerous conditions. So a first question is: why are Syrian civic leaders and communities receiving so little interest or support from the world of social justice-oriented philanthropy? A second question is: to what degree can the lack of support be attributed to a lack of quality information and analysis about the situation on the ground, and the opportunities to make a positive difference?

It was to address these issues that the Institute for Integrated Transitions and the Gerhart Center for Philanthropy and Civic Engagement at AUC, with the support of the Ford Foundationhosted a roundtable in Barcelona on 23 January on the topic of Effective Philanthropy for Syria: Envisioning an organized philanthropic response to a complete or partial transition out of armed conflict.A full list of participants appears at the end of this article.

The roundtable discussion examined closely two kinds of scenario for Syria: ‘partial transition’ and ‘complete negotiated transition’. The first session looked into the constraints and opportunities for private philanthropy to support communities and civic life in Syrian refugee camps and in areas of relative stability inside the country, whether under regime control (eg Damascus and Latakia) or the control of local groups or entities (eg rebel-held, Kurdish-controlled or IS-controlled areas). The second session took up the broader issue of how philanthropy could support communities and civic initiatives in the context of a potential negotiated transition that could in time end the overall conflict and create the roadmap for a unified rebuilding of state and society.

Over the course of the roundtable, we discovered that the answers to these two kinds of transition scenario are interrelated: what is needed today is to a large degree determined by what will be needed tomorrow – and vice versa. Thus, we have merged the highlights of both sessions into a single list of the most important points that emerged during our discussions.

Analysis of the situation in Syria

Civil society and the state
As local governance structures have disappeared or been weakened in some parts of the country (eg Aleppo governorate), social groups and local associations have sometimes stepped in. While these entities can blur the line between the state and civil society, they have at times been effective, drawing on longstanding community traditions of resourcefulness and creativity. In recent months, civic groups and local religious leaders have also taken the lead – often with little to no international support – in negotiating important local ceasefires in a number of towns and cities and providing services ranging from waste collection to education.

Civic values
In the context of rising extremism, there is a growing consensus among certain Syrian associations and social leaders about the need to mount a larger campaign for civic values – one that involves a commitment to non-violence and a set of non-sectarian norms, much like those that were on display in the early part of the country’s 2011 popular uprising. The need is greater than ever to forge a value-driven counter-narrative to the current sectarian-driven one. In places like Northern Ireland and South Africa, it was community connections and small steps that helped plant the seeds for more peaceful coexistence and inclusive governance practices at a later stage.

Lesser evils
Since most local, non-sectarian organizations need to operate in areas controlled at the point of a gun, they are often forced to make unsavoury choices to ensure survival. This may include entering pacts or otherwise negotiating with the regime or with armed extremist groups. Such decisions should not necessarily be understood as motivated by ideology or supportive of violent methods. More often than not they are driven by need, combined with a strong perception of western indifference to their plight.

Education gaps
Millions of Syrian refugee children are receiving poorly delivered education, or little to no education at all, as there is no unified approach to the issue: every host country has adopted a different system. The education programmes that do exist in refugee communities tend to operate under the banner of ‘emergency education’, and do not guarantee students valid accreditation. Few models make quality education their primary objective – and rather than employing or training Syrians to teach, locals are frequently being hired for the posts that exist. Concerns of a ‘lost generation’ are not overstated: in Lebanon, there are 1.6 million Syrian refugees but not nearly enough school places available.

The war economy
The current economy in much of Syria is dependent on the continuation of armed conflict. The war, as such, has become the main source of income for many communities due to the destruction of the traditional economy. This has created a negative spiral that can only become worse as the conflict continues. Hence, a strategy is needed to deconstruct war dependence and restore a peace economy – one that relies on livelihoods gained through non-violent, sustainable economic activities.

Humanitarian aid
There is a strong case to be made for doing more to assist refugees and engage in much-needed humanitarian work. Yet, humanitarian efforts alone will not solve the biggest problem facing Syria: the armed conflict itself. The underlying logic is as simple as it is compelling: all human outcomes will improve if the conflict ends; and all will be worse if it does not. However, this does not mean that humanitarian aid is irrelevant to peacebuilding. Provided it serves to empower local civic groups, it too can improve peace negotiations, identify rehabilitation needs, and help shape a future national vision.

Opportunities for philanthropic support 

Mapping priorities
There already exist numerous mapping reports about Syrian civil society, some of which are unavailable except to the commissioning donor. Yet, a snapshot of civil society may be less important than insight into the deeper dynamics and processes that are affecting, or alternatively being shaped by, civil society. Likewise, new mappings are needed to document the cultural heritage sites and artefacts at greatest risk in the current war; identify leading diaspora actors and activities; and audit what global philanthropy is already funding in Syria.

Actor accreditation
One of the big obstacles philanthropists face in Syria’s war stems from a feeling of uncertainty about whom to trust. One way to mitigate this is by funding the creation of a certification programme (with full participation by Syrian groups) that would clearly identify which civil society associations are committed to non-violence and inclusive values. As things stand, most Syrian associations and civic leaders are being wrongly slotted into the false binary of ‘opponents’ or ‘supporters’ of the regime or extremist groups – in either case with an assumption of being armed, sectarian or both. A trusted accreditation programme (perhaps run by a community foundation) would help to clarify this complex picture and enable urgently needed philanthropic investments to reach the actors most likely to bring an end to the war.

Social companies
In the face of the restricted space for Syrian NGOs and sanctions affecting them, an alternative route to civil society may be through investment in (and promotion of) companies with public good (or social) objectives. These are attractive for their basis in a sustainable business model and the ability to operate without undue government intervention. A focus on social entrepreneurship could be particularly worthwhile in Syria, which has always had a strong trading history and entrepreneurial culture. This would also contribute to the goal of creating alternative forms of income generation to reverse the war economy.

Positive stories project
There remains an upbeat narrative about ‘what Syria was like before the war’ – albeit in light of the savage violence of the last few years, Syrians know there is no turning back the clock. However, there are many stories of successful civic actions taking place within the conflict, even in the most divided cities and regions. But what is missing is a large storytelling project to capture some of the extraordinary examples of everyday heroism happening at ground level. Local civic leaders are brokering ceasefires; ‘White Helmet’ volunteer rescue workers are saving lives in the worst zones of combat; networks of educators are reaching agreement on consensual school curricula, and much more. These stories need to be documented and then widely publicized through media and other channels to show an entirely different face of the Syrian war.

National vision
Getting out the message about positive civil society successes is important, but insufficient to help Syria turn the tide. There also needs to exist a citizen-produced national vision describing the kind of country ordinary Syrians aim to rebuild and the institutional set-up that will allow for a peaceful future coexistence, based on a set of shared cultural norms and values. This is needed not only to inspire the Syrian population about a better future worthy of their collective pursuit, but also for foreign governments and markets.

Dialogue and preparedness
Negotiation is the optimal path for ending Syria’s war. The sheer number of powerful, armed actors makes it unlikely that the conflict will end by other means. And a negotiated end to the conflict is more likely to usher in a stable peace than one arising through military victory – no matter who the victor is. Consequently, the most promising dialogue processes – whether local, regional or international – unquestionably merit philanthropic attention. In addition, the civil society representatives involved in these processes currently require more training and support to be successful in their role as bridge-builders. They also need the knowledge to enable them, when the time comes, to move without delay on a wide range of complex policy issues – from refugee returns to police reform to constitution making.

Creating a Syria fund
Private philanthropy’s response to the Syrian civil war has lacked organization. It is more typical for donors to coordinate during a post-conflict transition period, as in post-apartheid South Africa or during the rebuilding of Europe after WW11. However, a Syria-focused fund now – which could help direct resources to crucial  people and causes such as children’s education and citizen dialogue – could also serve as a platform for ongoing analysis and information sharing. To have the greatest chance of success, private philanthropy could also partner on selected initiatives with bilateral and multilateral actors. Pooling resources will help mitigate the risks and legitimacy gaps that all of these donors would face if acting alone, and will also avoid discontinuities as donors incrementally come and go.

Guideposts
Philanthropy has a wealth of lessons to draw from when it comes to funding actors and projects capable of helping to end wars and ushering in post-conflict transitions. In this context, philanthropists committed to helping Syrian civil society could establish some operational guideposts, allowing tried-and-true standards to be more widely disseminated. These could include: a focus on citizen empowerment; the use of small grants for especially risky investments; and a cross-cutting ethos of trust (matched by a commitment to core funding), flexibility (matched by open evaluation methods) and continuity (matched by a practice of longer grant periods).

*  * *

At the roundtable’s end, many of the participants commented that it was one of the most productive meetings about the Syrian crisis that they had attended – a result that surprised us in light of the grimness of the war, but one due in no small measure to the Syrian experts and representatives who attended. All of us feel hopeful that a long-overdue focus on Syria can soon emerge in the philanthropy sector. It is late, but not too late.

Meeting participants

Anne-Sophie Schaeffer  Euro-Mediterranean Foundation of Support to Human Rights Defenders
Anthea Zervos  Open Society Foundations
Avila Kilmurray  Global Fund for Community Foundations
Barbara Ibrahim  John D Gerhart Center for Philanthropy and Civic Engagement, AUC
Bassma Kodmani  Arab Reform Initiative
Cale Salih  Institute for Integrated Transitions
David Gardner  Financial Times
Emma Playfair  Alexandria Trust
Erik Mohns  Berghof Foundation
Esther Hughes  Global Dialogue
Hilary Pennington  Ford Foundation
Julie Broome  Sigrid Rausing Trust
Karen Colvard  Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation
Maha abu Shama  Sigrid Rausing Trust
Marieke Bosman  Asfari Foundation
Mark Freeman  Institute for Integrated Transitions
Massa Mufti  ABNI (Association for Building and Nurturing Initiatives); SONBOLA for Education & Development
Matthias Boss  Swisspeace Foundation
Mohamed Elfayoumy  Political adviser (Egypt)
Peter Harling  International Crisis Group
Rasha Arous  UNHCR
Raya Barazanji  United States Institute of Peace
Rikki Koda  Wing International (charitable fund)
Rim Turkmani  Madani
Sevdalina Rukanova  European Foundation Centre
Sirwan Kajjo  Syrian journalist
Tariq Cheema  World Congress of Muslim Philanthropists
Tini van Goor  HIVOS

Originally published in Alliance Magazine.

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BARCELONA, SPAIN; AND WASHINGTON — After more than two years of negotiations, a new constitution came into force in Tunisia last month. It was hailed by Islamists and liberals alike as a paradigm of compromise. And despite various political crises, a stagnant economy, and latent threats of violence, Tunisia stands out as the only Arab Spring country seemingly on its way to a successful transition toward democracy.

The country’s achievements are demonstrating that, as in the case of South Africa 20 years earlier, leaders of transition countries must – sooner or later – make inclusiveness the organizing principle on which to ground political, economic, and social policies if they hope to consolidate peace and advance democracy. 

When any country enters a transition out of war or dictatorship, its citizens are naturally full of hope and high expectations that their leaders, economies, and societies will change. Yet too few transitions deliver as advertised. 

Egypt’s first elected president, Mohamed Morsi, alienated most of his fellow citizens – and was deposed in a protest-fueled military coup. Libya has struggled to maintain security amid tribal and ethnic divisions. New liberties in Myanmar (Burma) have spawned religious conflict. Nepal has struggled for years to write a new constitution amid bitter disputes. The track records of IraqAfghanistanNigeria, and Congo are similarly disappointing.

Part of the problem is that countries emerging from war or authoritarianism today are confronting problems that many of their predecessors did not. 

Ethnic, religious, geographical, clan, or ideological divisions often prevent the formation of stable regimes that are widely viewed as legitimate. Weak governments that cannot act capably and equitably encourage groups to fight for power on zero-sum terms. Conflict begets conflict, working in a vicious cycle that is hard to end. Economies suffer in the process, worsening the lives of the very people whose high hopes ignited transition in the first place.

Transitions in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and elsewhere, such as Ukraine, desperately need a guiding principle that can focus the efforts of a wide range of actors and help them prioritize among the numerous challenges they face. Many of these countries have fallen victim to the steep odds stacked against the inclusive approach – for one, getting inclusive-minded leaders into positions of power in the first place.

In new democracies forming in divided or sectarian-split societies, inclusive-minded candidates often have trouble competing with candidates who appeal to a specific demographic. In Egypt’s last presidential election runoff, the candidates with relatively more inclusive platforms and ideologies lost, leaving the race to two of the most polarizing candidates – Mr. Morsi, a Muslim Brotherhood member, and Ahmed Shafik, an Egyptian Air Force commander who had served as prime minister under Hosni Mubarak.

A ‘rainbow nation’

But South Africa showed, and Tunisia may, too, that transitions can move forward when leaders of various factions accept the need for inclusiveness and compromise. Such an approach must take into account the needs of all segments of the population, while also building an inclusive national identity and equitable, robust institutions to be sustainable over the long haul. 

After apartheid, South Africa’s new democratic leaders began to use the famous moniker “rainbow nation.” It described the kind of demographic the country already had, but also the kind of society it aspired to become in the new era. The term signaled to white South Africans that they were important to the country’s future. It also provided a source of resilience when state institutions were slow to deliver results and passions were running especially high.

The Tunisian approach

When political and social leaders espouse an inclusive vision and back it up with action, their rhetoric and deeds resonate, with positive consequences for every aspect of a transition. 

In Tunisia’s case, the ruling Islamist Ennahda party turned over control of the government to a nonpartisan cabinet and conceded a number of delicate points in the Constitution – compromises that have proved critical to ensuring wide support for the democratic transition process.

Ennahda’s leaders acted this way because of a mixture of public pressure and enlightened self-interest. Facing anger at their own failings in power, and mindful of the ejection of the Muslim Brotherhood in neighboring Egypt, Ennahda’s leaders understood that compromise was essential to their own future political prospects. This action highlighted the fact that inclusiveness isn’t just a high-minded ideal; it is simply smart politics.

The only realistic path for a better future

Inclusive practices can have an effect not only on the tangible aspects of a transition – including political processes and economic reforms – but also on the rarely emphasized intangible aspects. They can reinforce political settlements, strengthen government, reduce the chance that violence will erupt, and build confidence and trust across a society.

An inclusive approach can also directly attack the most difficult challenges that countries with bad starting conditions have – namely the longstanding societal divisions, weak institutions, and regional conflicts that have hurt so many Arab countries over the past three years.

By setting an overarching vision and tone, inclusiveness can work as a connective tissue to help reduce the fault lines that plague transition countries while building up the trust and cohesion needed to get through a period marked by inevitable crises. Nelson Mandela got it. Tunisia is figuring it out. Inclusiveness cannot guarantee quick or perfect results, but it offers the only realistic pathway toward a better future.

Mark Freeman is executive director of the Institute for Integrated Transitions. Seth Kaplan is a professorial lecturer in the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University and the managing editor of the Fragile States forum (www.fragilestates.org).

Originally published in CSMonitor.com.

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This publication aims to help private funders act with maximum effect during periods of transition out of war or repression when opportunities for disproportionately positive impact arise.

Drawing on the sector’s own experience, the guide provides a tailored framework for private grantmaking based on the principle of informed risk-taking. Using an updated model of political transition and focusing on the comparative advantages of private philanthropy, it offers strategic ideas and tools to help progressive donors make the most of these unique historical moments. The guide is jointly published with the Gerhart Center for Philanthropy and Civic Engagement at the American University in Cairo.

The DOI registration ID for this publication is: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10475241

An interview with Mark Freeman about the framework guide:    

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This report looks at the dynamics and impact of international expert assistance in Tunisia in the areas of media reform, security sector reform, judicial reform and youth employment.

Based on extensive field research conducted by IFIT between October 2012 and March 2013, the report identifies lessons and practical recommendations to improve internationals’ engagement and results in the country. It also highlights issues and measures to address system-wide problems in the international response to transitions within and beyond the Arab world. Monica Marks served as lead researcher and author, and Maissa Khattab as project support manager. 

The DOI registration ID for this publication is: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10491149

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