Language: English

The world is undergoing a profound transformation as the balance of power between non-state and state actors shifts visibly and dramatically in favour of the former. States—and societies—have become more fragmented, making the maintenance and restoration of stability harder and requiring more creativity than in the past. 

Four specific trends stand out: 1) new communications technology is empowering non-state actors and weakening national cohesion; 2) the proliferation of weapons is weakening the state’s significant edge in using violence; 3) new ideologies are increasing the centrifugal forces acting on states; and 4) an increasingly multipolar power dynamic is weakening the international response.

Under these conditions, central governments in many fragile states are simply not robust enough to exercise authority over the militias, ethnic groups, criminal gangs, terrorists, warlords, and outside actors who increasingly compete for control of their territories no matter how much international aid the central governments receive, what election is held, or in what way negotiations are advanced.

The fact is that most fragile and conflict-affected states must first move from disorder to order, building institutions that can work at a minimum level before growing in capacity, reach, and ambition over time. The new default should be on piecemeal transitions that leverage pockets of cohesion and robust institutions in whatever form they already exist. This would yield flatter, more horizontal states that are deeply decentralised and with a mosaic of different governance approaches rather than a standard unitary model.

The DOI registration ID for this publication is: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17302771.

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Introducing the Symposium on the Constitution Hill Global Guidelines on Apex Court Appointments

In an era of growing threats to democracy worldwide, the independence of apex courts has emerged as one of the critical fault lines. Across regions—including in countries long considered stable democracies—we are witnessing a new, more insidious pattern of democratic decline. Increasingly, elected leaders seek to consolidate power not through military coups, but through more subtle forms of institutional co-optation and manipulation. A common early target in this process is the judiciary—and in particular, the apex courts that stand as the final guardians of constitutional rights and the rule of law.

Apex courts—a general term referring to the highest court or courts with authority over constitutional matters—increasingly struggle to assert their independence amidst growing tensions with executive powers that continue to erode their authority, in a phenomenon widely understood as “judicial capture”. One of the most effective tools for such capture is the manipulation of judicial appointment processes—enabling ruling elites to install loyalists, marginalise independent voices, and weaken the court’s ability to check power.

Structural Distinction of Apex Courts

While numerous national, regional, and international frameworks exist for the selection and appointment of judges more broadly, none have focused specifically on the distinctive role and character of apex courts.

Yet these courts are fundamentally different from all other branches of the judiciary for various reasons: (i) their rulings on constitutional matters are final and can only be overturned by the court itself in future cases or through constitutional amendment; (ii) apex court judges are often the most visible members of the judiciary, meaning that public perception of the entire judicial system is frequently shaped by their conduct and decisions; (iii) these courts routinely adjudicate politically and socially consequential disputes—including cases involving fundamental rights and the legitimacy of elections—which makes them especially vulnerable to political pressure; and (iv) unlike lower courts, apex courts decide cases collectively, either in plenary or panel format.

Moreover, apex courts play a unique role in shaping constitutional jurisprudence that influences not only the litigants before them, but also the legal profession, public institutions, political actors, and society at large. They also operate under intense public and media scrutiny and provide normative leadership across multiple audiences simultaneously.

Initiative on Apex Court Appointments

Against this backdrop, in 2021, the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT), in partnership with Constitutional Transitions and a High-Level Advisory Panel composed of distinguished judges and jurists from diverse legal systems, launched the Initiative on Apex Court Appointments: the first-ever global effort to articulate a set of guiding principles for the appointment of judges to apex courts.

These principles—which culminated in the Constitution Hill Global Guidelines on Apex Court Appointments (“The Guidelines”)—are intended to function as voluntary guidelines (soft law), offering countries a flexible framework that can be adapted to specific national contexts when designing or reforming processes for the selection of judges to apex and constitutional courts.

The Initiative originated in Southern Africa, grounded in early work by IFIT’s Zimbabwe Resource Group, and drew on a wide range of sources, including: (i) a detailed IFIT study of existing global and regional principles on judicial appointments and judicial independence; (ii) a comprehensive survey of national standards; and (iii) in-depth interviews conducted with the initiative’s High-Level Panel members and with additional judges and jurists globally.

This process culminated in a high-level legal summit at Constitution Hill in Johannesburg in May 2024, where the final version of the Guidelines was formally presented and discussed. Developed through inclusive and interdisciplinary engagement, the Guidelines provide a principled yet adaptable framework to safeguard the independence, impartiality, and integrity of apex courts. They lay out robust criteria for judicial appointments, promote transparent and participatory selection procedures, and set minimum standards for judicial tenure and service—all aimed at shielding apex courts from political capture and ensuring their role as a cornerstone of constitutional democracy.

Symposium on Constitution Hill Global Guidelines on Apex Court Appointments

This symposium brings together leading legal and judicial voices to explore the application and significance of the Guidelines in today’s increasingly fragile democratic environment.

In the first piece, Justice Catherine O’Regan (former judge of the South African Constitutional Court, inaugural Director of the Bonavero Institute of Human Rights, and member of IFIT’s Apex Courts High-Level Advisory Panel) reflects on the central—but often overlooked—importance of judicial appointment processes in upholding democratic resilience. She situates the Guidelines within the wider phenomenon of executive aggrandisement and democratic backsliding, where apex courts are frequently the first institutional targets. Drawing on examples from around the world, she illustrates the variability—and vulnerability—of existing appointment systems. She then outlines how the Guidelines respond to this gap by proposing clear criteria and procedures to ensure judicial independence, transparency, and integrity.

In the second piece, Professor Carlos Bernal (First Vice-President of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, former Justice of the Colombian Constitutional Court, and Professor of Law at the University of Dayton and La Sabana) offers a normative and transitional justice–oriented defence of the Guidelines. Using Mexico’s 2024 judicial reform as a case study, he explores how autocrats attempt to weaken courts through reforms to appointment systems. He highlights how the Guidelines set a universal baseline for protecting the structural and institutional role of apex courts. At the same time, he argues that legal safeguards alone are not enough—factual judicial independence also depends on judges’ character and the broader political culture. In contexts of transition, Bernal stresses, robust appointment standards are especially vital to ensure legitimacy and constitutional transformation.

In the final piece, Maître Mohamed Fadhel Mahfoudh (former President of the Tunisian Order of Lawyers, member of the Nobel Peace Prize–winning Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet, and member of IFIT’s Apex Courts High-Level Advisory Panel) presents a sobering case study of Tunisia’s repeated failure to establish a constitutional court. Despite constitutional mandates and reform efforts, flawed and politicised appointment procedures have kept the court from coming into existence—undermining constitutional oversight and democratic progress. Reflecting on his role in the Guidelines’ development, Mahfoudh underscores their potential to foster constructive debate and serve as a practical tool for countries seeking to overcome appointment gridlock. His essay demonstrates how even well-designed institutional frameworks can fail without credible, independent, and implementable appointment systems.

At a time when the quality of judicial appointments can determine whether democracy erodes or endures, the reflections in this symposium could not be more timely. The Guidelines are not a rigid blueprint, but rather an invitation to structured, informed debate. We hope that the ideas shared here contribute to strengthening apex courts—and, with them, the democratic systems they are meant to uphold.

Originally published in Verfassungsblog.

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The era of guaranteed international aid is rapidly fading. For many fragile and transition countries, this reality has exposed both the limitations of an aid-centric development model and the urgency of finding new, more resilient pathways to growth. This thought piece explores how countries can adjust to the new normal by mobilising underutilised resources and strengthening national ownership.

Focusing on three key pillars – domestic taxation strategies, diaspora and entrepreneurial investment, and alternative financing models – the paper highlights practical ways to unlock capital, foster innovation, and build more inclusive development systems. Drawing on examples from Africa, Asia, Latin America and beyond, it shows how strategic reform and alternative partnership models can move countries away from transactional donor relationships toward more sustainable and locally anchored transitions.

The DOI registration ID for this publication is: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17119180

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Building on IFIT’s work on incremental agreements in Libya, this paper applies the approach to the country’s most urgent challenge: integrating its fragmented security sector. It sets out a phased roadmap that begins with local confidence-building and gradually evolves toward national coordination and reform.

By focusing on practical, trust-building measures rather than sweeping solutions, the paper highlights how small but cumulative steps can reduce fragmentation, foster accountability, and create visible improvements in security and governance. In doing so, it demonstrates how an incremental path can shift incentives, reinforce sovereignty, and lay a more durable foundation for Libya’s broader political transition.

The DOI registration ID for this publication is: https://zenodo.org/records/17233876

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Dr. Thania Paffenholz is an award-winning international peacemaker, mediator, and renowned thought leader, author and public speaker.

She has helped armed groups, governments, international, national and local organisations, and civil society–including women’s organisations–in over 20 peace processes, including in Colombia, Nepal, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Somalia, or Sudan to find ways out of violence. She also advises governments and international bodies such as the UN, EU, World Bank, and African Union.

Paffenholz is the Founder of Inclusive Peace, a Geneva-based global think-and-do tank that provides evidence-based support for peace and political change processes.

Dr. Mustafa Y. Ali is the Executive Director of Arigatou International – Nairobi and Secretary General of the Global Network of Religions for Children. Deeply committed to building peaceful, just, safe, and secure communities, Dr. Ali has founded, developed, and led many innovative programs and initiatives to prevent, transform, and end conflicts and wars in several communities and countries worldwide.

Dr. Ali serves as Co-Chair of the Interfaith Alliance for Safer Communities (IAFSC), at the United Nations Multi Faith Advisory Council (UNMFAC), and on the boards of several global and grassroots development and peacebuilding organisations. He has received the Community Service Award (Government of the United Arab Emirates), the Jasiri Award (Award of Bravery), and the Coexist International Peace Prize, among numerous other awards.A PhD, MA, and BSc. degrees holder in International Relations, Sociology, Diplomacy, and Information Sciences; Dr. Ali is a scholar, an author, and a thought leader, regularly appearing on leading global television channels as a commentator and expert on peace and conflicts, safety, and security.

He is the author of the “Globalization of Terrorism: From Sicariis, Assassins to ISIS”; “Globalization and the Media”; and “Alone and Frightened: Experiential Stories of Former Child Soldiers in Uganda” books.

Ambassador Thomas Greminger is the Executive Director of the Geneva Center for Security Policy (GCSP) since 1 May 2021.

Previously, he served as Secretary General of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) from July 2017 until July 2020. In this capacity he acted as an effective crisis manager supporting successive Chairmanships in an increasingly polarized environment and promoted dialogue among the 57 OSCE participating States as one of his key priorities.

Ambassador Greminger served as Deputy Director General of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation at the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs from 2015 to 2017 and as the Permanent Representative of Switzerland to the OSCE, the United Nations and the International Organizations in Vienna from 2010 to 2015. He was instrumental in devising the consecutive chairmanships and joint work plan of Switzerland (2014) and Serbia (2015); in 2014 he chaired the Permanent Council of the OSCE and was strongly involved in managing the crisis in and around Ukraine.

From 2004 to 2010, he served as Head of the Human Security Division of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. During his tenure, the division offered and supported facilitation and mediation services to more than half a dozen peace processes worldwide and launched a number of important diplomatic initiatives, including those which led to the creation of the UN Human Rights Council, the UN International Tracing Instrument for SALW, and the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development.

Ambassador Greminger also served as Deputy Head of the Human Security Division from 2002 to 2004, and from 1999 to 2001 as Country Director at the Swiss Embassy in Maputo, Mozambique. From 1994 to 1998, he served in different posts in the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, including Head of the Policy and Research Unit.

Ambassador Greminger holds a PhD in history from the University of Zurich. He is Lieutenant Colonel GS (company and battalion commander of infantry unit of the Swiss Armed Forces; G6 and Deputy Chief of Staff of Infantry Brigade). He has authored numerous publications on military history, conflict management, peacekeeping, development and human rights.

The Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT) is pleased to announce the launch of the Depolarization Community of Practice (DCP): a distinguished cross-disciplinary group of more than 40 global experts coming from sectors as diverse as journalism, technology, diplomacy, religion, science, academia and politics.

IFIT created the DCP out of deep concern at the global rise of polarization and the multiple threats it presents to societies and political systems. It is a phenomenon we describe as a ‘hyper-problem’: the type of problem that makes the solution to every other problem harder. With this concern in mind, the DCP is meant to serve as a catalytic global platform to incubate new research agendas and practice collaborations on depolarization; develop training materials and peer support programs; and facilitate the promotion of field-relevant lessons through online exchanges and presentations.

The DCP is also directly connected to the IFIT Global Forum on Depolarization. This new annual flagship event is a first of its kind and uses a combined knowledge-sharing and problem-solving format, seeking to function as a ‘conveyor belt’ for innovative new practice and research. The first edition of the Global Forum on Depolarization is being held at IFIT HQ in Barcelona later this month.

Together, the DCP and the Global Forum on Depolarization represent the newest phase of the Global Initiative on Polarization: a multiyear collaboration launched in 2022 by IFIT and the Ford Foundation and now expanding to include additional funding partners, such as the Carnegie Corporation of New York, Templeton World Charity Foundation and Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation.

Meet the DCP members

“Polarization is arguably one of the defining challenges of our time, cutting across regions, sectors, and political systems. Yet, the depth and gravity of the challenge are often misunderstood or underestimated, and the solution set remains underdeveloped,” says IFIT founder and executive director Mark Freeman. “Through the Depolarization Community of Practice and accompanying Global Forum, we hope to make important strides in changing the situation, since we know from our global work that unchecked polarization can come to threaten everything – from the ideal of a tolerant society, to the practice of ordinary politics and law-making, to the prospects for peaceful coexistence and basic liberties.”

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Yphtach Lelkes is Associate Professor of Communication; Co-Director, Polarization Research Lab; and Co-Director, Center for Information Networks and Democracy at the Anneberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania.

Professor Lelkes is an expert in political communication and political psychology whose research examines affective polarization, political information processing, and the dynamics of political ideology and identities. His work explores how information environments shape political attitudes and behaviors, using survey, field, and natural experiments alongside survey and geospatial data. 

Previously a faculty member at the Amsterdam School of Communication, Professor Lelkes earned a Ph.D. in Communication with a minor in Psychology from Stanford University. 

His research has been published in leading journals across Communication, Political Science, and Psychology, including American Political Science Review, PNAS, Journal of Politics, Nature Human Behavior, and Political Psychology.

Thomas B. Edsall writes for The New York Times. His column on strategic and demographic trends in American politics appears every Tuesday and he has been a weekly contributor to the Opinion section of The New York Times since 2011. 

Edsall covered politics for The Washington Post from 1981 to 2006 and, before that, for The Baltimore Sun and The Providence Journal. In addition, he was the political editor of the Huffington Post from 2007 to 2009, and a correspondent for the National Journal from 2006 to 2007.

Edsall has written five books: “The Age of Austerity,” “Building Red America,” “Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics,” “Power and Money: Writing About Politics” and “The New Politics of Inequality.” 

Edsall lives in Washington, D.C. He holds the Joseph Pulitzer II and Edith Pulitzer Moore Professorship in Public Affairs at The George Washington University’s School of Media & Public Affairs.