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Narrative Peacebuilding in Practice: Reflections from IFIT’s Hub Launch

In this 30-minute video from the launch of IFIT’s Narrative Peacebuilding Hub, IFIT founder and executive director Mark Freeman talks to narrative expert and IFIT Inclusive Narratives Practice Group member Dr. Sara Cobb, Kenya National Cohesion and Integration Commission researcher Jescah Otieno, and IFIT Colombia Brain Trust coordinator Alejandra González Ferro about the practice of using narrative strategies to strengthen peacebuilding efforts.

Sara highlights that narratives create meaning, which shapes our lives, influences our understanding of ourselves in relation to others, and drives our actions. Summarising IFIT’s narrative peacebuilding approach, Sara notes that the standard peacebuilding practice of promoting a unifying narrative is ineffective against the deeply-rooted divisive narratives that characterise polarised contexts. Instead, she advocates for using tailored strategies and tools to help people transform their own narratives from within, while amplifying smaller stories that enrich the national narrative landscape and promote engagement among individuals and groups in conflict. 

Describing initiatives to address ethnic divisions and electoral violence Kenya, Jescah argues that mapping national narratives and implementing contextualised narrative interventions is key to addressing the roots of conflict to enable sustainable peacebuilding. She shares several lessons learnt, including that people find it easier to tell stories that stereotype the ‘other’ than to see themselves clearly, which makes narrative work central to helping social groups take shared responsibility for resolving conflict. Jescah also emphasises that narrative work in countries marked by divisions requires trauma sensitivity, and often the provision of psychosocial support. 

Reflecting on IFIT’s work in Colombia, Alejandra shares strategies for identifying openings for applying a narrative lens and integrating narrative tools into ongoing peacebuilding activities as the national context evolves. She reflects on lessons learnt using narrative tools in meetings with actors who are on opposing sides or who rarely engage with each other, with the aim of avoiding divisive language and finding common ground. She notes the value of acknowledging the legitimacy of participants’ emotions to enable engagement, starting narrative efforts with those closest to us and expanding to other networks, and consulting with experts in diverse fields for a fuller understanding of the narrative context, particularly writers, artists and other creatives.

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Polarization isn’t just any kind of problem. It is a hyper-problem—that special category of problem which, when present, impedes a society’s or political system’s ability to solve almost any other kind of problem

But how to solve polarization? And better yet, how to prevent it? 

Unfortunately, we don’t yet know enough to answer either of these questions properly. However, based on experiences from places like Northern Ireland, Kenya, Tunisia, Colombia and beyond, we have some ideas. Here are ten of them.

1) Protect the risk-takers

Preventing or reducing polarization creates unfair burdens. Some people end up paying a higher price than the rest—enduring violence, threats, slander and more. Concerned governments and donors need to do everything possible to safeguard those willing to assume the biggest risks. Protection can include anything from security detail to salary replacement to legal defense. The more protected the risk-takers are, the more they can do.

2) Look beyond the politicians

To help solve polarization, society must constantly push political elites to do better and do more. Likewise, society’s trusted norm-keepers must elevate their own visibility and voices. Depending on the society, the norm-keepers might include business figures, doctors, soldiers, celebrities, religious leaders and more. They must be “noisy moderates”, especially in moments when they have greater bandwidth for action than the politicians.

3) Focus on key sites

Identifying the places—physical and virtual—most likely to become flash points and giving them extra attention helps maximize the deployment of limited resources. Often they are places where historical grievances or power imbalances are most acute. In parallel, it’s useful to shine a spotlight on the most depolarized cities, towns and neighbourhoods. Their positive deviation from and positive demonstration effect on others can exert a significant influence.

4) Take first steps

Most opportunities to depolarize require self-initiative. You won’t know if there is an opportunity to depolarize unless you test it through action (for example, by extending an invitation for confidential dialogue to the “other side”, or calling out extremists on your own side). The response can sometimes surprise, and the alternative—waiting for suitable conditions to emerge—is a recipe for the divides to grow and for depolarization opportunities to shrink. Polarization isn’t static; the dynamic is centrifugal.

5) Foster trust quietly

Confidence-building measures (CBMs) are age-old tools of diplomacy and peace-making. Breakthroughs in relationships depend on them. While public statements are sometimes viewed as imperative (for example, calling out disinformation campaigns), they fix little unless accompanied by strategies of private outreach. It is outside the public gaze, not under it, where most common ground is built, misunderstandings get discovered, and performative conduct is minimized.

6) Build depolarization bodies

Polarization doesn’t occur in a vacuum but within an ecosystem of institutions, laws and norms. These “rules of the game” determine whether it’s easier or harder for polarization to thrive. But whose job is it to fix polarization? If it’s everyone’s job, as the saying goes, it’s no one’s job. Therefore, creating durable local and national institutions with the specific mandate of depolarization—as some societies have done—is a logical part of the solution.

7) Engage the young

The polarization of societies and political systems isn’t necessarily trans-generational. Often, it is more concentrated in older generations in which grievances and disputes, both serious and petty, have become entrenched. Youth who are tired of the polarization they see—a much larger cohort than news headlines and recency bias could imply—may be an important part of the antidote, meriting greater attention and engagement.

8) Take hate speech seriously

Freedom of speech is nearly absolute in some societies and the right to express odious views is vigorously defended. The claim, a valid one, is that “hate speech” should be fought with “more speech”, rather than with censorship or prohibition. But in a polarized society or political system, that logic can obscure the great dangers of hate speech—whether that speech is explicit or expressed through coded language or dog whistles. A hate speech reduction strategy (there are lots of toolkits for it) is needed. “More speech” isn’t nearly enough to prevent violence when polarization is present.

9) Contain polarization in elections

In democracies, not all moments are equal in their impact on polarization. Elections are particularly tricky. We need them, but by their very nature they lead political parties and leaders to attack one another. The contest is structured to produce clear winners and losers, and the prize is power. As such, reducing polarization isn’t a realistic goal during elections; it’s much better to focus on managing their polarizing nature and ensuring that the process doesn’t tip into violence. Solving polarization is more viable in the long periods outside the peak of election cycles.

10) Prioritize the “how”

At its core, polarization involves a growing breach between radicalized poles of comparable size or force. For this reason, solutions have to tilt toward a logic of relationship repair, as opposed to one of vanquishment. This doesn’t mean staying neutral in the face of offense, but it does mean being more thoughtful about the “how” of one’s actions, knowing that the methods we use to reduce polarization strongly determine the quality and durability of any peace and cohesion that follow.

This article was written by Mark Freeman and Hilary Pennington. The authors wish to thank Monica McWilliams, Ouided Bouchamaoui, Oscar Naranjo and Samuel Kobia and colleagues at IFIT and the Ford Foundation for inspiring some of these ideas.

Originally published in The Economist Impact.

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Polarization is a “hyper-problem”: that special category of problem which, when present, impedes a society’s or political system’s ability to solve almost any other kind of problem.

In “Ten Ideas on How to Overcome Polarization”, Mark Freeman, IFIT’s Founder and Executive Director, and Hilary Pennington, Ford Foundation’s Executive Vice President of Programs, draw on experiences from places like Northern Ireland, Kenya, Tunisia, Colombia and beyond to outline ten practical ways to prevent or reduce polarization.

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Vacante de Pasantía Justicia Transicional – IFIT América Latina y a nivel global (Bogotá, Colombia)

IFIT está buscando un pasante para el equipo de Justicia Transicional. Las tareas específicas serán definidas por la Directora de proyectos para América Latina y el/la supervisor/a de la pasantía. Sin embargo, las responsabilidades del pasante serían: 1) apoyar al equipo con tareas de investigación y síntesis; 2) a al equipo con los diferentes requerimientos sustantivos, logísticos y administrativos; 3) acompañar las reuniones que se requieran, tomando notas y elaborando relatorías; y 4) demás tareas relacionadas con los presentes términos de referencia y que sean requeridas por IFIT.

Acerca de IFIT

El Instituto para las Transiciones Integrales (IFIT, por sus siglas en inglés) es una organización no gubernamental internacional con sede en Barcelona (España) y su oficina regional en Bogotá (Colombia), dedicada a ayudar a los estados frágiles y afectados por conflictos a lograr negociaciones y transiciones más efectivas para salir de la guerra, la crisis o el autoritarismo. El trabajo principal del IFIT es servir como recurso experto para ofrecer soluciones políticas integradas que contribuyan a los esfuerzos liderados localmente para reducir la polarización y romper ciclos de conflicto o represión.

Acerca del trabajo de IFIT en Colombia 

IFIT ha consolidado experiencia y experticia en Colombia, tanto a nivel nacional como local. Ha acompañado, impulsado y puesto a disposición de los tomadores de decisiones, el conocimiento técnico y práctico de décadas de esfuerzos de negociación y justicia transicional, principalmente a partir de la negociación e implementación del Acuerdo de Paz de 2016. Esto se ha llevado a cabo a través de sus dos ‘grupos de expertos’, el Fondo de Capital Humano y el Fondo Territorial de Capital Humano. El primero está compuesto por 18 expertos, en su mayoría miembros del equipo de negociación que estuvieron presentes en el proceso de paz entre el gobierno y la guerrilla de las FARC en La Habana. El segundo está formado por 12 expertos territoriales provenientes de 10 de las regiones más afectadas por el conflicto en Colombia, quienes cuentan con un liderazgo reconocido en sus respectivos territorios y un profundo conocimiento de las dinámicas regionales y los procesos sociales y políticos locales. Adicionalmente, IFIT cuenta con Programa Regional para América Latina y el Caribe.

Acerca del equipo de Justicia Transicional en Colombia

Este equipo técnico de IFIT trabaja de forma técnica e imparcial para apoyar los esfuerzos de justicia transicional en el país. Se da a través de dos modalidades: 

  1. Usando la metodología de IFIT para tender puentes entre diferentes actores involucrados en la política de construcción de paz del país.
  2. Haciendo diagnósticos de los principales retos y cuellos de botella que existen en el marco de las políticas de justicia transicional y planteando alternativas prácticas para hacerles frente. 

Descripción de la vacante

En el marco del programa de pasantías de IFIT, la persona se integrará al staff como pasante en estrecha colaboración con el equipo de Justicia Transicional y con el equipo regional de América Latina.

Responsabilidades

Cualificaciones requeridas

Condiciones de la pasantía

IFIT está comprometido en la construcción de un lugar de trabajo racialmente diverso y culturalmente inclusivo, así que recomienda encarecidamente las solicitudes de candidatos de grupos subrepresentados.

¿Cómo aplicar?  

Por favor envíe su hoja de vida a Valentina Andrade ([email protected]), indicando “Aplicación para pasantía JT IFIT LATAM” en el asunto. El plazo para enviarla será hasta el viernes 17 de mayo.

IFIT is delighted to announce that it has been awarded a research grant as part of the 2023 United States Institute of Peace (USIP) grant competition. 

IFIT’s research aims to build on key concepts developed in our agenda-setting publication on The Scope for Dialogue with Security Forces in Hybrid Regimes. A central finding of that paper was that, in hybrid regime contexts, civic actors interested in constructive dialogue with state security actors tend to encounter major roadblocks in their efforts at outreach and engagement. 

Our new research will analyse multiple country case studies and translate findings into dialogue tools and strategies that can be used by human rights practitioners. The research will focus on 1) hybrid regimes and how they operate; 2) the conditions and causes of dialogue and engagement opportunities between state security and civic actors; 3) comparative outcomes of engagement (short, mid and long-term); and 4) how existing global democracy and human rights training programmes might be improved to address structural features of hybrid regimes.

To learn more about IFIT’s research on hybrid regimes, please contact [email protected]

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Media and Narratives: Building Peace in Polarised Societies

In this 30-minute video, members of IFIT’s Inclusive Narratives Practice Group – Refik Hodzic, Moky Makura and Miguel Silva – draw on their extensive experience working in journalism and communications in the Balkans, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America to reflect on the role of the media in either driving or mitigating polarisation and conflict. 

Using examples from different country contexts, Refik, Moky and Miguel discuss polarisation as a deliberate tactic deployed, for example, during election campaigns; ways in which political and economic elites use the media to secure their interests in democratic and authoritarian contexts; and the normalisation of dehumanising language even in media outlets once considered bastions of unbiased reporting. They note the rise of disinformation and misinformation, and the contribution of targeted digital and social media content to the increasing simplification of stories and thereby narratives. 

Reflecting on opportunities, the panellists point to polarisation often being more of an issue in political rhetoric and the media than on the ground; the continuing relevance of reporting that critiques power; and the instructive diversity of types of media content in different countries, including how it enables the voices of young people to be heard. They share strategies for holding the media accountable for inciting violence, funding independent media, promoting content on the rich middle ground between polarised positions, and fostering the use of depolarising language among key actors to enrich narrative landscapes.

This video extends the practical guidance in IFIT’s discussion paper on media and narrative, which proposes approaches for ensuring the media reduces the influence of dominant simplified narratives and amplifies a multiplicity of complex stories that encourage peacebuilding in divided contexts.

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Job Vacancy – Consultant

Role: Conducting a comprehensive mid-term evaluation on the effectiveness, relevance and impact of IFIT’s Regional Programme for Latin America and the Caribbean.

About IFIT

Headquartered in Barcelona, the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT) is an international
non-governmental organisation dedicated to helping fragile and conflict-affected states
achieve more sustainable negotiations and transitions out of war, crisis or authoritarianism.
IFIT’s core work is to serve as an expert resource on integrated policy solutions for locally
led efforts to break cycles of conflict or repression.

IFIT is currently seeking a qualified and experienced Consultant or Consultancy Firm to conduct a mid-term evaluation of our Regional Programme for Latin America and the Caribbean, funded by the Swedish International Development Agency (Sida).

Key Requirements:

How to Apply:

Interested consultants/firms are invited to review the detailed Call for Proposals and submit their proposals by April 15, 2024. Proposals should be sent via email to María José Daza [email protected] with the subject line “Mid-term Evaluation Proposal – [Your Organization’s Name]”.

Olivia Helvadjian is the Head of Communications at the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT). She is a communications, public relations and advocacy professional with 15+ years of experience in corporate communications, public affairs, advocacy, publishing and social media. 

Before joining IFIT, she ran the external communications of the German Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai for nearly a decade. Prior to working in China, she held various roles in communications, lobbying and public affairs at ministries, governmental and private institutions, with focus on the European Union and Asia.

She holds a Masters degrees in Law from the University of Vienna and an LL.M. in international Business Law from the the National University of Singapore. She also earned a diploma in Journalism from the Danube University Krems and an MBA from Hult International Business School. 

Working languages: English, German, French.

Conversational skills: Mandarin, Arabic, and Spanish.

Rethinking the Negotiation Paradigm: Introducing “Fast-Track” Negotiation

Negotiation is among the best known and most used tools for advancing peace and political transition. Yet, the dominant model of the last few decades is built on methodological premises which, in aggregate, produce slow negotiation. 

As IFIT founder and executive director Mark Freeman explains in this one-minute video, a “fast track” model is needed to match the more urgent local change needed in the majority of conflict situations.

Fast-track negotiation will have a greater focus on outcomes over process; on pragmatism over perfectionism. Drawing on research that IFIT has begun carrying out, the fast-track negotiation model will expand the existing toolbox of conflict resolution, thus overcoming the risky reliance on a single, slow model.

More will be said about “fast-track negotiation” in the coming months.

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